The Religion of the Taliban
Deobandi Islam: The Religion of the Taliban
Information provided and used with permission from the Defense Language Institute at:
wrc.lingnet.org
“We have a common task – Afghanistan, the USA and the civilized world – to launch a joint
struggle against fundamentalism. If fundamentalism comes to Afghanistan, war will
continue for many years…Afghanistan will be turned into a center for terrorism.”i
Mohammed Najibullah, August 1996
Afghanistan President
(The following month Najibullah was assassinated by the Taliban.
His mutilated body was hung from a light pole for public
display in downtown Kabul)
“Afghanistan is the only country in the world with a real Islamic system. All Muslims
should show loyalty to the Afghan Taliban leader, Mullah Mohammad Omar”ii
Osama Bin Laden, April 2001
The International Deobandi Conference, April 2001
From April 8-11th of this year an estimated half-million people converged on a small town outside
of Peshawar, Pakistan to celebrate the founding of a religious seminary known as Dar-ul-Uloon
(house of knowledge). Dar-ul-Uloon is an Islamic madressa (religious school) that was founded
in the city of Deoband, India in 1867. This celebration known as the “International Deoband
Conference” acknowledged the madressa’s history but its primary purpose was to affirm a
philosophy of a branch of Sunni Islam that has come to be known as Deobandi. From its
inception almost 150 years ago the Dur-al-Uloon madressa has expounded a religious philosophy
that now bears the name of the city in India where this well-known school resides.
The April conference was organized by Jamiat Ulema-I-Islam (JUI), a Pakistani political party with
a history of supporting and encouraging radical Islamic groups made up of fundamentalists and
religious fanatics. The majority of the delegates to this conference came from Deobandi
madrassas in Pakistan. There were also a large number of delegates from Afghanistan as well
as India. With the exception of Israel every middle-eastern country was represented, as were
representatives from non-Arab Muslim nations.
The highlights of the conference were a keynote address by Libyan leader Mu’ammar Al-Qadhafi,
and taped speeches broadcast over loud speakers by the Afghanistan Taliban leader, Mullah
Mohammad Omar and international terrorist, Osama bin Laden. Mullah Omar’s speech
contained the strongest rhetoric. He accused the United Nations of being a tool of Western
aggression and accused the West, particularly the U.N. and the United States, of oppressing the
Muslims in Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia and Chechnya. Osama bin Laden in his speech had high
praise for the Taliban government as defenders of Islam against “non-Islamic forces” both foreign
and domestic. He praised the Taliban government for having the resolve to stand firm in
upholding the standard of Islam in the face of international criticism.
The Iranian delegation, while comfortable with the anti-American diatribe, were clearly
uncomfortable with the Deobandi religious philosophy which runs counter to the Shia
understanding of Islam. It is probably for this reason that the Iranians tried to redirect the focus of
the conference on the importance of Islamic unity. The Indian delegation, clearly bothered by the
radical tone of the conference, pleaded for moderation. Despite these efforts the conference
maintained a strong anti-American and anti-Western bias. The food Kiosks observed a ban on
American products. Signs advertising Coca-cola were painted over and posters depicting burning
American flags were popular souvenir items.iii
Introduction
The goal of this paper is to shed some light upon the Deobandi movement, the primary religious
influence among the Taliban in Afghanistan. While religion is a significant factor it is only one
piece in understanding the Taliban and Afghanistan situation. Historical, political, economical,
and social factors must also be thoroughly examined. Perhaps most importantly tribal/ethnic
divisions (there are more than 50 ethnic groups in the country) and the opium trade are major
influences not only on the religious expression but also on the politics of the Taliban in
Afghanistan. The reader of this paper is encouraged to investigate these other factors before
drawing any conclusions about the Taliban.
Divisions and Pluralism within Islam
Throughout its twelve hundred year history Islam has experienced a variety of ways that people,
remaining faithful to the Islamic tradition, have sought to live their faith in the reality of a changing
world. While in theory Islam clings to the Ummat-a-Wahidah (One Community) in reality there
exists a great variety of religious expression as the ‘one community’ struggles to live out its ideal.
Sunni-Shia. The oldest, and most radical, division in Islam began early in its history when
members of the Islamic community had differences concerning who should lead the Muslim
community after the death of the prophet Muhammad in 732 AD. The majority favored an open
election to determine a Caliph (successor). A minority insisted the successor be a blood relative
of the prophet.iv Hopes for a peaceful solution to this crisis were dashed when the sixth Sunni
Caliph, in an attempt to stamp out the Shia ‘heresy,’ ordered the murder of the prophet’s
grandson, Hussein. The Shia community was outraged and Hussein became the first Shia
martyr. The division between the two groups remains to this day.
Shia. Among the Shia minority divisions also occurred. Because of their belief that the leader of
the Muslim community must be a blood relative of the prophet, disputes arose when two sons of
an Imam (the title given to the Shia leader) both claimed to be the rightful successor. These
disputes caused the Shia sect to further divide into three groups: Zaidsv, Ismai’ilisvi and Ithna
Asharisvii
An important feature of their distinctiveness is that all three Shia groups developed their own
distinctive legal schools. The most well known is the Figh-a-Jafari school belonging to the Ithna
Ashari Shias.
Sunni. The differences within the Sunni branch of Islam are primarily based upon different ways
that fiqh (religio-legal precepts) are developed and practiced. After the death of the prophet the
Islamic community began to develop a body of law known as sharia. This law was based upon
the Quran (the prophet’s revelations) and the Sunnah (the worlds and deeds of the prophet). For
legal solutions that could not be found in these sources the prophet had sanctioned the use of
ijihad (independent reasoning).
Within 150 years two distinct sharia schools were recognized: the Hanafi school founded by
Imam Abu Hanifa in Kufa and the Malik school founded by Imam Malik in Madina. In the
following century two other major schools emerged, the Shafei school of Imam Idris al-Shafei in
Egypt and the Hanbali school of Imam Ahanad ibn Hanbal in Baghdad. In time the vast majority
of Sunni Muslims accepted one or another of the four schools as final and binding. By the 15th
century it was believed that all important legal questions had been addressed. “The gates of ijihad
were closed,” that is, independent reasoning was no longer permitted in Islamic jurisprudence
and Muslims were to conform to the rulings of past authorities.viii
Others. In reaction to the growing emphasis on jurisprudence the Sufi movement was born.
Moving away from a focus on legal codes they stressed an interior ‘heart-felt’ relationship with
God. The Sufis also saw a necessity to be guided by a Sheik (spiritual leader) and their religious
orders began to spring up all over the Islamic world. In addition to the Sufis add a mixture of
fringe fundamentalist and/or radical groups and a myriad of splinter sects like the Alawitesix and
the Ahmadiyyasx and one can begin to glimpse the diverse nature of Islam today.
Summary. Islam is not a monolithic religion as it is sometimes perceived in the West. The closer
one examines this religion’s mosaic the more color and variety one can detect. The purpose of
this paper is to look a bit more closely at one expression of the Islamic tradition, Deobandi.
The Indian Connection
While Islam was introduced into the Indian sub-continent in the 8th century it was unable to
establish a firm hold among the Hindu population. It wasn’t until the 11th century when Sufi
missionaries, eager to share their faith, settled in India, that Islam became part of the religious
landscape. The Sufis with their emphasis on spirituality instead of doctrinal conformity were open
to the possibility of new truths. While bearing the witness of Islam they were also open to a wide
variety of spiritual expressions, which they believed could be found anywhere, even in other
religious traditions. As a result Islam found acceptance in spiritually rich India and there
developed a spirit of cooperation between the Muslim (i.e. Sufi) and Hindu communities in India.
Muslims in India would often visit Hindu holy sites and observe Hindu festivals. Likewise, many
Hindus participated in Muslim celebrations.
By the time the British East India Trading Company began to regulate the Indian spice trade in
1601 Islam (and Islam/Hindu cooperation) had been firmly planted in Indian soil for close to 400
years. The East India Company, taking advantage of what they saw as a disorganized and
chaotic situation, began to organize commerce, and then the Indian government, along the British
model. The magnitude of change (which negatively affected the Indian subjects) boiled over in
the “Revolt of 1857” when the Indians tried, but failed, to gain their independence from British
rule. In the aftermath of this revolt the British parliament stepped in, taking direct control of Indian
affairs. Although the revolt of 1857 was a grassroots national movement the British parliament
felt the Muslims were particularly subversive and they received much of the blame for the bloody
uprising. The British subjected the Islamic community to humiliating collective punishments and
totally excluded Muslims from public life.xi
By this time (1857) the Muslim community itself was engaged in bitter disputes about how Islam
should be practiced in India. The more traditional Muslims wanted Islam to be completely
separated from Hindu and especially British interference. This puritan strand of Islam later
became known as, Deobandi. Other Muslims, deeply influenced by the Sufi tradition in India,
insisted on maintaining cooperation with Hindus and worked to change the British rule by working
within the established governmental system. This innovative strand of Islam later became known
as Bid’ati (practitioners of innovation). These two strands, and the many sub-groups they have
created, are still visible in India today.
One way the Muslim community in India chose to respond to the British oppression was to open a
seminary in Deoband in 1866. The leadership of this seminary was composed of former students
of the Delhi madressa that was destroyed when order was restored after the “Revolt of 1857”.
Two forces motivated the leaders of the new seminary in Deoband: (1) a zeal to indoctrinate
Muslim youth with Islamic values and (2) an intense hatred towards the British and all foreign (i.e.
non-Islamic influences). The seminary shunned everything foreign, Hindu, Western or British and
made a consorted effort to expose their students only to the rich spiritual and philosophical
traditions of Islam.
Deobandi Theology. From its inception the school at Deoband made a sharp distinction
between ‘revealed’ or sacred knowledge, and ‘human’ or secular knowledge. The school
excluded all learning that was not obviously Islamic by firmly rejecting other religious traditions
(the Hinduism of India and the Christianity of the British missionaries) and forbidding Westernstyle
education and the study of any subjects not directly related to the study of the Quran.
The school was also highly critical of Islam as it was practiced in the modern world, especially
India. They felt the established religious order had made too many compromises with its foreign
environment and therefore Islam needed to be purified of these foreign elements. To live out the
pure Islamic tradition they embraced Taqlid (acceptance of the old interpretations) and rejected
ijitehad or reinterpretation of Islamic precepts to accommodate the changing times. It should also
be noted that they are strict adherents to the Hanafi school of thought.xii
This last point is critically important in understanding Deobandi (and by extension, Taliban)
reasoning. When putting the Hanafi legal code into practice two fundamental principles are
always considered.
First, the eventual outcome of an act must be considered before that act can be judged to be
ethically permissible. For example the fact that a woman does not cover herself completely in
public may not, in itself, be haram (forbidden). However, because it is likely to lead to a forbidden
act, i.e., immorality, the activity is not permitted. The same can be said for women being treated
by medical doctors or measured for clothes by a tailor. Medical examinations or proper fitting
clothes are not forbidden. However, the fact that a doctor (or tailor) may entertain sexual
thoughts while performing their duties makes this a forbidden practice.
The second principle revolves around Ruskhah (what is permissible) and azeemah (what is
honorable). The practice states that what is honorable should take precedence over what is
permissible. For example, it is “permissible” to take a life for a life but the “honorable” thing to do
is to forgive. In the Afghan context it is difficult to arrive at a consensus when using this principle
because often ethnic and tribal norms become factors in deciding what is permissible and what is
honorable. Thus, the above example would be true in an Indian context but because of long-held
tribal beliefs the Taliban in Afghanistan reaches the opposite conclusion. In short, it is sometimes
impossible to sort out what is ‘Islamic’ from what is ‘tribal’ in Afghan society.
Their purist religious positions and practices were so rigid that it brought them into conflict not
only with the British authorities but also with other Muslims. The British provoked theological
arguments between the Deobandi and Bid’ati Muslims as a way of drawing the Deobandi school
away from anti-British activities. This appears to have been somewhat successful. In the late
19th and early 20th century the Deobandi school was embroiled, and to a great extent
preoccupied, in a verbal “fatwa war” with the Bid’ati school. With more than a quarter of a million
fatwas (legal opinions) being issued on some of the most ordinary issues of daily life, the fatwa
war helped the Deobandi scholars clarify their thinking. It also served to harden their deeply
conservative theological and ethical positions. As a result of the fatwa war the Dar-ul-Uloom
madressa became much more traditional than it was when first established in 1866. That is, it
moved much further to the right than the founding fathers would have ever imagined.
As the school grew in years it also grew in size and prestige.xiii Dar-ul-Uloon became ‘the’ place to
prepare young men to become educated in the Islamic tradition. Young boys and men from all
over the Muslim world filled its classrooms. Present in large numbers were students from
Afghanistan and the soon-to-be nation of Pakistan. The normal length of study was ten years
and its graduates would be well versed in the Quran and recognized in their home communities
as Mullahs (local religious scholars).
The Pakistan Connection
Indian independence from British rule in 1947 was met with a bloody partitioning of the subcontinent
into two independent nations…India and Pakistan. Having no longer to contend with
English oppression the anti-British activities faded from the scene as the school in Debond turned
its full attention upon training its students in its traditionalist/fundamentalist interpretation of Islam.
Dar-ul-Uloon however, had a strong history as a hotbed for anti-British activities that were fueled
by its conservative, uncompromising theological stance. After the creation of the nation of
Pakistan in 1947 numerous satellite Deobandi madressas sprung up throughout Pakistan.
These madressas carried on not only the strict Deobandi theological tradition but also its political
activism, only now the target had changed. It was no longer the English but the Indian
oppression of Muslims in the disputed area of Kashmir that inspired resentment. Later, with the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 this resentment would expand to include communism.
After the Soviets left the U.N. and the U.S. became demonized as the foreign invading and
corrupting powers that threatened the pure expression of Islam.
Between 1947 and 1975 there were 868 Deobandi madrassas operating throughout Pakistan,
most of them along the Afghanistan/Pakistan border. These schools were quite small and poorly
funded…most of them teaching only a handful of students. Their influence on the population at
large was minimal. The period of instruction was three years (not ten as required at Dar-ul-Uloon)
and the young men who attended these institutions came from impoverished families and were
usually illiterate. The quality of education was (and is today) dismal. It was not an education but
indoctrination. If one was illiterate before attending a madressa the chances were quite good that
he would be illiterate upon graduation. Instruction centered on the memorization of the Quaranic
text in Arabic, which is a foreign language to most of the students. Upon graduation the talib
(student) was qualified as a village mullah, officiating at births, marriages, deaths and providing
religious education for boys in exchange for cash contributions or gifts. Author Michael Griffin
calls these madrassa graduates, “a cross between a country parson and a Shakespearean
clown”xiv and goes on to note, “The mullah was not, on the whole, revered for his religious
insights. He was a community servant who earned a crust through bone-setting and the selling of
religious amulets to protect against the evil eye or the myriad jinn, which live in the air and visit
illness upon children and women."xv
Nevertheless they not only continued but they prospered. A 1996 survey shows the number of
Deobandi madrassas with a student population of 200 or more had mushroomed to a staggering
2,512 along Pakistan's Western border with Afghanistan. The number of smaller madrassas in
the area may be even larger. Why? The answer was to be found across the border in
Afghanistan.
Afghanistan
Centuries of long-standing Islamic traditions in Afghanistan were in danger of being pushed aside
when the Soviets invaded Afghanistan in 1979. Ignoring tribal and ethnic diversity the Soviets ran
roughshod over Afghanistan sensitivities by insisting on sweeping changes that included stripping
women of the veil, requiring women to work outside of the home, imposing literacy and instituting
sweeping land reform. The Afghan Muslim response was to declare a jihad to cast out the infidel
from their borders. Afghans were spirited fighters because they saw their cause as a holy
mandate. Madressas produced young men who were primed to be fierce anti-Communist
fighters. These new madressas were financed in part by the U.S., Britain and Saudi Arabia, as
part of their humanitarian programs to increase the literacy level in Pakistan. It is no accident that
these schools sprung up in Pakistan along the Afghanistan border. Young men streamed back
and forth across the border to these institutions which provided the spiritual motivation to resist
the Soviet threat. The madressas indoctrinated its students with a love of Islam and a hatred for
un-Islamic influences. It is important to note that military and/or terrorist training was not part of
the madressas’ curriculum. This was conducted elsewhere in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Military
training, however, was often pursued both during and after studying at a madressa. For Afghans,
involved in a jihad against an atheistic communist invader, it seemed that some form of military
training was a natural and logical extension of the education that was received through the
madressa system.
When the Soviets left in defeat in 1989 a provisional Islamist government, the majahedim
(warriors of God) was put in place with the help of the U.N. and U.S. Those Afghan warriors,
steeped in the Deobandi religious tradition were critical of a government that proclaimed the
name of Islam but had a strong relationship with the U.S., the U.N., the Soviet Union and in some
cases, India. The time and religious climate was ripe for a government void of external influences
and steeped in Islamic tradition to claim the country.
In the spring of 1994 two teenage girls from the village of Sang Hesar were abducted by the
majahedim and repeatedly raped at the local checkpoint. Mohammed Omar, a retired Afghan
commander studying at a local madressa, gathered 30 fellow taliban (students) and mounted a
successful rescue. The Majahedim commander was hung from a slowly ascending tank-barrel.
This was the birth of a movement that came to be known as the Taliban.
The Taliban began as a moral force called to arms for the purpose of crushing the immoral and
corrupt Majahedim. Its forces fought with a divine purpose. They were orderly, disciplined,
obedient and strongly determined…living examples of the qualities they developed through years
of disciplined study in the rigid madrassa system. In the early years they were admired among
the common Afghans for their moral qualities. They were skilled in negotiating a peace with the
terms slanted in their favor but when called to battle they were disciplined. There were no reports
of rape or looting and the force could not be bought off with drug money. In spite of these
positive characteristics the Taliban has not been a stellar fighting force and has experienced
limited success on the battlefield. To date it has not been capable of crushing its longstanding
opposition in the North.
From the religious perspective the Taliban suppressed the Afghan expression of Islam with its
heavy-handed approach to implementing traditional Islam into every area of the society. Because
of this they may be in danger of alienating the very people who brought them into power.
However, the Taliban has deep roots in Afghan society and Islamic tradition. Given Afghanistan’s
checkered history it is worth noting that this is the only political force in recent memory that has
not been artificially created. For this reason alone outside governments need to tread cautiously
with this regime.
Conclusion
From a religious vantagepoint the defeat of the majahedim by the Taliban is a clash between two
different visions held by two distinct Islamic fundamentalist groups.
The majahedim were Islamists who carried the banner of Islam and combated secularism and
then communism in Afghanistan. Islamists are modernists who seek a contemporary political
interpretation of Islam. Educationally they tilt towards Al-Azhor University in Egypt where they
have been strongly influence by the political orientation of the fundamentalist group the Muslim
Brotherhood. Because they drew from this model other governments were quick to recognize
their authority and they were able to form highly organized political parties.
The Taliban are traditionalists who have only entered the political stream in Afghanistan since
1994. They view the roll of government and society very differently from the majahedim. They do
not see Islam in political terms but in religious terms. They seek to return to the purity of the
teachings of the Quran and the Sunnah (the practices of the Prophet). They are products of
religious madrassas in Pakistan whose roots go back to the Dar-ul-Uloon seminary in Debond,
India. Their history makes the Taliban inclined to organize themselves around regional
associations rather than political parties.
Religious edicts are believed to have a divine source so they carry more authority in this society
than humanitarian law that stress individual freedoms. The purpose of government is to be a
reflection of the divine will (as interpreted by the Deobondi scholars), not a guardian of individual
rights and liberties as insisted upon by the West.
i Griffin, Michael, Reaping the Whirlwind, (Virginia: Pluto Press, 2001), pg.5.
ii BBC News Online, 10 April 2001, 10:13 GMT. www.institute-for-afghanstudies.
org/dev_xyz/taliban/deobandi-conf-2001.htm
iii Ibid. This web site contains comprehensive coverage of the three-day Deobandi Conference
held in Pakistan on April 9, 2001.
iv The majority is known today as Sunni Muslims and represent 85-90% of the Muslim
community. The minority who make up the other 10-15% are known as Shia Muslims.
v Zaids today found primarily in Yemen
vi Ismai’ilis are today concentrated in Lebanon, Syria and Israel
vii Ithna Asharis is the largest of the Shia groups. They are also known as ‘twelvers’ because they
acknowledge twelve Imams. They make up 95% of the population of Iran and are also found in
Southern Iraq.
viii Armstrong, Karen, Islam, (New York, Modern Library Chronicles, 2000), pg.100.
ix Alawites are a sect that blends Christianity with Islam. They observe Muslim precepts but also
use sacramental wine and celebrate Christmas, Easter, and Epiphany. They consider
themselves Muslim but most Islamic fundamentalists do not.
x Ahmadiyyas are a persecuted sect in Pakistan because they reject Jihad [holy war] and the
politicization of Islam. While they consider themselves to be Muslims the Pakistani government
forbids them to take Muslim names or even to use Islamic greetings.
xi “The Flowering of the Deobandi Movement” 20 April, 2001,
www.pakistanlink.com/sah/04202001.htm
xii The Deobandi School and the Taliban are strict followers of the Hanafi legal code. Saudi
Arabia strictly follows the Hanbali legal code. This is a divisive point between the Taliban and the
Saudi government. What confuses things is that both Saudi Arabia and the Deobandi School (i.e.
the Taliban) are often referred to as “Wahhabis.” This term, which originally referred to an
Islamic reformer in the 18th century, developed a completely different meaning in India under
British rule. What is important for the Western reader to keep in mind is that the term “Wahhabis”
means something very different in the Saudi Arabian context then it does in the Taliban context.
One must never assume that Saudi Arabia and the Taliban share the same Islamic vision…they
do not.
xiii BBC News Online. (Today Dar-ul-Uloon in Deoband, India has 3,500 students, 80 teachers,
250 other staffers and an annual budget of over one million dollars (U.S.) given through private
donations.)
xiv Michael, pg.57.
xv Michael, pg. 58.
